The Affluent Society

Author: John Kenneth Galbraith
List Price: $15.00
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ISBN: 0395925002
Publisher: Houghton Mifflin Co (15 October, 1998)
Sales Rank: 49,354
Average Customer Rating: 3.38 out of 5

Customer Reviews

Rating: 4 out of 5
Thought Provoking, Well Written Leftist Economics
Galbraith's book is certainly thought-provoking & worth reading. His arguments are well thought out, and his writing is wryly witty. Even if you disagree with his views, as many have, it's worth a read.

Galbraith starts the book off by reviewing how many early economic ideas were created in periods of scarcity, and that the notion of scarcity may not appropriate for today's age of mass affluence. Those with vested interests in production (i.e. large businesses) still cling to the "conventional wisdom" that increased production equals progress, even though goods are now abundant and our basic material needs have been satisfied. To stimulate further demand, corporations must resort to salesmanship and advertising. If advertising stopped, demand would fall, production would drop, and unemployment would rise; thus, business continue to focus on increasing production to ensure their own survival.

There are other threats to production. Economic cycles may result in a depression. Poorly managed firms may have to lay off workers. As a result, people -- and especially politicians --focus on economic growth to avoid these insecurities. Growth is something that both the rich and poor will vote for, since they both want to keep their jobs and acquire more goods. Growing out of a recession also seems promising. The net result is that society as a whole focuses on increasing production by private industry.

Next, Galbraith shifts his view from private industry to the public sector. He does this by introducing the idea of social balance, which asserts that as private spending increases, public spending should increase to match. For example, if factories build more cars, more money needs to be invested in public roads. Unfortunately, private goods are sold via advertising by companies that can react quickly to changes in demand. In contrast, public investment by governments reacts much more slowly, and typically lags private spending and investment, due to regulations, bureaucracy, and voter's general aversion to new taxes. The result is a world rich in private goods but poor in public ones: beautiful cars driving on poor roads, well-dressed kids in the crumbling public school, neighborhoods with beautiful homes but polluted parks.

So what to do? Galbraith's proposed solution is that we should invest in our economic infrastructure: our parks, our roads, our educational system, long-term scientific research, police, and the like. To fund this, he emphasizes sales taxes, which reduce consumption, and make those who consume a lot pay for it. To alleviate poverty and inequality, Galbraith also proposes to expand unemployment insurance so that one could choose not to work, yet still be able to get by. In his view, this would allow more people to reduce their work week, or not work at all, or to be able to focus on work they really enjoy.

Although this is certainly a liberal view & may not be feasible, his views certainly were eye-opening and thought provoking. For that reason, I recommend the book.


Rating: 5 out of 5
A book all students of economics should read.
If you agree with Galbraith's notions on economics you may find this a seminal work. If you disagree with him you will no where find a better spar for your own ideas. (Friedman spent an entire book analyzing Galbraith) Love it or hate it The Affluent Society looms large in American economic thought of the 20th century. The book itself is dedicated primarily to re-assessing the role of production in an economy of increasing affluence. Economics long ago acquired the unhappy designation as "the dismal science." This was derived from the observation by all famous early economists that economic life for the masses was inevitably harsh. Ricardo, Smith, and Marx all agreed that while a minority might enjoy abundance the majority were doomed to struggle for their very economic survival. As early as the 1950s Galbraith made the very simple point that the economic prospects of the masses are no longer dark. The average worker could (and still does) expect reasonable wages, a constant supply of luxury goods, and free time to enjoy these things. The modern economy is no longer a battle for simple survival but rather one over what an individual's share of excess production should be. Some reviewers have commented that the specifics in The Affluent Society have become dated. Indeed automotive tail-fins are no longer the common automotive add-on they once were, but the underlying questions remain valid. In the economy of 150 years ago to claim that suffering was inevitable seemed fair, for it was the state of the masses. In the economy of the present where economic deprivation is no longer the norm, to claim some must suffer while the majority live in relative affluence suddenly appears cruel.
A social scientist who argued the changes of the last 200 years were not relevant to analysis would be laughed at in any other field. Unequivocably our economic priorities have changed during that time. The Affluent Society provides a history of that change, a look at how our failure to adapt has led to a number of social problems, and suggests how we might better organize economic priorities in the present. It is no small acheivement.


Rating: 4 out of 5
Interesting case study of a Canadian in America
The Affluent Society is probably not read anymore, and for good reason, because it doesn't have a great deal to say today. It is an "intervention," as the leftists like to say, and it doesn't translate very well to very different circumstances. Just for that reason, it is a snapshot of a particularly interesting time, the late 50's, in American history. What is most interesting about the book is the aristocratic disdain he holds for large gas grills, tail fins, televisions, and advertising. The idea that growth is not organic or spontaneous but generated by advertising--the book was written at about the same time as Vance Packard was big--is repugnant to Galbraith. How frivolous! Or even worse, how trivial. Because Galbraith was part of the strategic air command and was involved in the bombing of cities in WWII, he was intimately familiar with the consequences of that campaign, and he tells a story about how production actually increased after the bombing because all the people engaged in services, like waiters and housecleaners and barbers, went into production after the city had been destroyed. (Albert Speer, who organized that production, recalls meeting his American counterpart after the war and being very impressed with his professionalism. Speer and Galbraith are very similar, no the least in their relationships with charismatic leaders.) Galbraith does not argue, as one would expect, that quality of life is largely divorced from "production"--he is all for production, so long as it involves food, housing, steel, and other essentials. What he notes, instead, is that life went on as before after all the superfluities were stripped away. If only the masses were not so stupid! If only we could maintain a war economy after the war is over: that is the implicit message of the book (and of course Galbraith would be in charge). The idea that all those factories that once produced beautiful bombers would now be producing chrome by the ton was deeply offensive to sense both of discretion--wealth is not for display--and technocratic utility: production should serve a purpose, whether it be fighting Hitler or fighting poverty. Galbraith is also a spectacularly good writer.

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